Dream Act: California embraces anti-Arizona role on illegal immigration

The California Senate passed its version of the Dream Act this week, setting itself up as a leader among states addressing illegal immigration with greater sympathy.

Assemblyman Ricardo Lara (D) talks with Assemblywoman Betsy Butler (D) as members of the state Assembly debate his measure that would allow students who are illegal immigrants to hold student government office and receive any grants, scholarships, or other assistance that come with the jobs at the Capitol in Sacramento, Calif. Wednesday.
(Rich Pedroncelli/AP)

By Daniel B. Wood, Staff writer
posted September 1, 2011 at 5:47 pm EDT

Dear Friends,

Desperation and hopelessness. This is how it has always been in South Central Los Angeles. Neglected and ignored. No jobs – bad schools. Few make it out. I always wanted to tell our story – and now it is being magnified and told by many – many who are suffering. I remember the crack addicts in my community/ I remember going to the so called business training programs that would promise loans and jobs.

Caring about others is important – helping others. We who grew up there know the game of hollow promises.

Check out this L.A. Times article that paints a clear picture:

Alberta Creer, left, and her friend Jackie Taylor, wait in line to attend a job fair at the Crenshaw Christian Center. (Michael Robinson Chavez / Los Angeles Times)

Hope and despair at a job fair
The unemployed wait in line to attend the event in Los Angeles. It seems as much a church revival and political summit as a resume-swap meet.
Waiting in line

Alberta Creer, left, and her friend Jackie Taylor, wait in line to attend a job fair at the Crenshaw Christian Center. (Michael Robinson Chavez / Los Angeles Times)

By Sandy Banks

September 1, 2011
The Faith Dome at Crenshaw Christian Center was the perfect venue for Wednesday’s For the People job fair initiative.

It’s not just that it holds 10,000 people — and almost half of those seats were filled. It’s that something more than logic and reason is required to stoke hope in times like these.

The hopefuls began lining up along Vermont Avenue hours before the church doors opened for the job fair at 9 a.m. Men in pressed slacks and sports jackets, women with high heels peeking from their purses and flip-flops on their feet for standing. A few folks were pushing babies in strollers; one guy was holding the front wheel of the bicycle he had ridden there from Inglewood.

Almost everyone in line was black; all of them clutching briefcases, clipboards or binders, with resumes they hoped to exchange for business cards from would-be employers.

I weaved through a queue that stretched for blocks, asking how they felt and why they had come. One woman seemed to sum it up best: “To fill out applications, leave our resumes and let them know we’re hungry.”

Hungry in a literal way, for some — those who have been out of work so long, they need food banks and donated clothes to get by.

But I sensed a different kind of hunger in the crowd too — a need for reassurance that, as a preacher would promise from the pulpit that morning, “You are not going to stay down!”

It was impossible to stand among these folks and not feel profoundly grateful for a job that, most days, I enjoy. I could feel desperation vibrating from the crowd like heat waves from a sun-scorched sidewalk.

And it packed an unexpected emotional wallop. I felt heartsick contemplating all that wasted wisdom and potential — multiplied city to city, so many times over — in a nation that can’t afford to discard it.

Two hours before the job fair began, I met with LaNordo Conn in the parking lot at the Fijian Motel, a small, scarred stucco complex a mile away, with barred windows and barbed wire.

The motel, Conn’s temporary home, is a long way from where he was two years ago: A six-figure job, a house in Ontario, a Porsche Carrera, “white with blue top,” he tells me.

He makes his fall sound simple enough: He left a steady job at an architectural firm for another that promised to pay much more. Three months later, he was fired. Three months after that, he was homeless. I’m enough of a cynic to believe there is much more to that story.

But the 53-year-old tells it well. He’s compelling and articulate — tailor-made for the campaign to push legislators to do more to grow jobs for workers like him. He’d like to see a reality show: ” ‘Homeless Congressman.’ They’d have to make it for one week with no money,” he said.

“People living in the mansions eating caviar and having million-dollar weddings … they don’t get it,” he went on. But it’s not just the millionaires; lots of us don’t get it, because we’re gainfully employed.

The scope of the problem is hard to grasp, until you watch that line of desperate people with spotty resumes relentlessly growing.

Last month, Conn drew the attention of U.S. Rep. Laura Richardson when he told his story at the Inglewood Kitchen Table Summit sponsored by the Congressional Black Caucus. Richardson promised to meet him at the job fair and walk him through the search process.

She gave him a shout-out from the church stage on Wednesday, and had him stand and wave to the crowd. People applauded, as they did every time a politician at the opening rally offered up a story of hope.

The job fair felt like a combination church revival and political summit. The night before, more than 1,000 people tried to crowd into the sanctuary for a Town Hall session with 13 members of the Congressional Black Caucus and civil rights standard Jesse Jackson.

It was, one woman told me later, “like going back to the old days,” pre-Barack Obama; “before black politicians got complacent and forgot they’re the ones that represent us.”

The president who campaigned on hope is presiding instead over hopelessness. And doing little, it seems even to his fans these days, to rectify the economic malaise. The Job Fairs, the Town Halls, the Kitchen Table Summits … they are all part of a campaign to put political pressure on not just Republicans, but our Democratic president.

But the problems go deeper than hiring numbers. And Richardson acknowledged as much. Neither make-work government jobs nor tax cuts for small business will lift us from this pervasive slump. She and the Congressional Black Caucus are pushing for job training, apprenticeships and pledges from big corporations to hire from deep in the community.

But not everyone thinks politicians have the answer. “There are jobs there, our people just can’t get them,” said one job fair coordinator who works as a compliance officer, checking construction sites on government projects.

She also volunteers with a program that trains the long-term unemployed, who are often hobbled by their own educational deficits and outdated computer skills, or by drug problems and criminal records.

What troubles her, she said, “is you see all these people from other countries come here, and they’re working. And they’re not just getting the low-wage jobs.… But the politicians don’t want to talk about that.”

::

The sheer numbers at the job fair were dispiriting for some. More than 4,000 people looking for jobs, and 150 would-be employers — heavy on security firms, government agencies and retail companies.

I was pleased to see so many community service programs; agencies that weren’t there to hire but to provide help for job-seekers: counseling, clothing, computer training, help with interviewing skills. And I was disappointed that only a handful – I saw three – had posted “hiring now” signs.

Inside the Faith Dome, job trainer Carrie Marks gave the group a quickie primer: “Focus on ‘hard skills,’ what you know. I have. I can. I am. Think of it as a 30-second commercial to let them know what you bring to the job.” I saw people taking notes around me.

The church people handled it differently. “Today’s your day for victory,” Pastor Fred Price Jr. told the crowd. “You’re gonna get a job today.”

His sister took the stage, and called for prayer. “We want you to be employed when you leave these grounds!”

I headed back to my car, parked at 75th and Vermont, across from a tiny house-turned-church, with a cross marquee: The Promiseland.

Across the street was a row of three others: Iglesia Palabra Viva, First Community Baptist, and Romona’s Gospel and Exhibit Theater. And on the corner, Community Centers Inc., promising “Miracles Happen Here.”

If only faith was all it took.

sandy.banks@latimes.com

Copyright © 2011, Los Angeles Times

By Randy Jurado Ertll

Pop stars Eminem and Lady Gaga recently admitted that they were victims of bullying and we applaud them for making this a relevant issue that should not just apply to youth, but to adults too. It is basically the adults who set the example in regards to bullying. Bullying does not just occur on school playgrounds but also in the workplace. Therefore, it is imperative that we also include the word civility in our national discourse.

Civility: Manners, Morals, and the Etiquette of Democracy by Stephen L. Carter is a thought provoking book that focuses on why we have lost good manners and respect towards others, and what we need to do to recapture “civility” in our society.

Carter focuses on historical examples and real life scenarios that help illustrate how the United States has evolved from being a young democracy to one that has fallen into utter disregard for respect towards each other. Within the book, the author provides ideas how we can recapture civility, by focusing on our personal actions and treating others with dignity and respect. The key is to stop the vicious cycle of incivility and bullying by not condoning or participating in these types of negative activities.

Stephen L. Carter chose to write about the issue of civility since he has personally witnessed how respectful treatment of others has drastically decreased in our U.S. society. The author is trying to make a point that we have loss civility through real life, historical, and personal examples.

The book’s fundamental points are to be civil and respectful towards others, even when they are rude to us. Of course, it is easier said than done. But we must continually strive to be the opposite of negative, disrespectful, and uncivil role models or bosses. Of course, at times, we all fall short in practicing civility.

This book offers some guidance towards analyzing why incivility has become so common in our everyday life. Carter’s ultimate goal is for us to put into practice his message of respect and tolerance. The greater message is for us to begin to grasp what civility means and to begin to put it into practice, in our daily lives.

Civility is a topic often forgotten, ignored, and misunderstood in our society. Therefore, even though Carter’s book is now over a decade old, it is still relevant and valuable to read. The author’s main arguments are true since he uses historical facts and examples to reiterate his thesis that we have loss civility in our interactions with each other.

What I do disagree with him is that he states that various religions have not created or exasperate incivility. In some cases, yes, opposing religious views have created tensions and even violence. He misses an opportunity to mention the European one hundred year war between Protestants and Catholics and the continual conflict between Palestine and Israel.

Overall, it is a good book but it does lack in some areas. This book sublimely, and not directly, talks about social inequities that have led us to become a nation of intolerance and mistreatment of each other. This book does not necessarily make the direct correlation with historical facts that would help explain how we have evolved to become an intolerant nation. However, the truth of the matter is that this nation was established with principles of intolerance, and the author slightly brushes on this topic. He could have gone more in depth to further explore the topic of social, political, and economic inequities that have led to more incivility.

Fortunately, Carter does talk about slavery and how the owners of slaves may have practiced “civility” in their political and economic interactions, but the truth is that in the late 1700s, the United States adopted unjust and inhumane attitudes that African Americans, Native Americans, and other minorities were inherently inferior. Yes, the U.S. Constitution afforded us many rights, which we continue to cherish and value. But it took a Civil War to end slavery, and centuries for women, African Americans, and other minorities to be treated with dignity and respect. The U.S. Constitution had to be amended to allow African Americans and women the right to vote.

What is convincing regarding the book is that our society continues to be rude to one another and Carter successfully uses examples of political debates, campaigns, and the role television plays in denigrating and destroying the reputation of opponents.

The author successfully points out that the Catholic church and other religious entities have tried to provide some moderation or suggestions to television networks – to help focus on civility within their programming contents and visuals. But we know that the television industry is driven by viewer ratings and paid advertising, therefore, they have chosen to not censor themselves and they continue to promote topics and images that perpetuate incivility – through the obsessive promotion of violence and sex in our movies.

This book has now taken on more literary merit since we are in a time of economic crisis and everyone is looking to blame others for our social ills. We have also seen a rise in violent shootings throughout the United States, especially with the recent senseless shooting of a Congressional member and other innocent victims in Arizona. We also continue to see how campaigns purposely choose to use dirty and uncivil tactics to destroy the character of political candidates.

The topic within the civility book must take greater importance in our daily dialogue with others, in order to continue promoting better communication and respect among all. Ultimately, bullying must not be tolerated in our households, school, or workplace.

And yes, the workplace and schools must adopt policies of zero tolerance towards incivility and bullying.

By Randy Jurado Ertll, author of Hope in Times of Darkness: A Salvadoran American Experience (Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group). Web-site: www.randyjuradoertll.com and e-mail, randyertll@yahoo.com

Pasadena Star-News

More racist graffiti found
in Northwest Pasadena

Brian Charles, Staff Writer

PASADENA – Vandals struck again in Northwest
Pasadena, leaving racist graffiti on a curb
planter outside a fast food restaurant in the
2000 block of North Fair Oaks Avenue in
Pasadena, according to Pasadena Police Chief
Phillip Sanchez.

The incident marked the second time in the past
two weeks vandals have scrawled racist
messages on property in Northwest Pasadena.
This time the target was Latinos.

Vandals used a black marker to inscribe “profane
language directed at Latinos,” according to a
statement issued late Sunday by Sanchez.

On Aug. 8, residents in and around Kings Village
woke up to racist, homophobic and anti-Semitic
graffiti in their neighborhood.

Pasadena Police have launched investigations
into

both incidents, officials said.

With the two incidents coming so close together
community leaders are worried about rising
tensions and the potential for violence.

“These types of things escalate,” said Joe Brown,
Pasadena-branch NAACP president. “Someone
tags in one neighborhood and someone comes
back and tags in someone else’s neighborhood,
then young people start to protect their
neighborhood and things eventually escalate to
pistol play.”

Randy Ertll, executive director of El Centro De
Accion Social, a Latino civic organization, shared
Brown’s concerns that the graffiti could spark
violence.

“A lot of time those actions can lead to even
worse acts,” Ertll said.

He believes the economy might

be driving the frustrations of taggers marking up
Northwest Pasadena with racist graffiti.

“I can see where the economy can lead to these
types of frustrations in the community and push
people over the edge,” Ertll said. “We know racist
attacks are up, especially those against
immigrants.”

Brown said community leaders must come
together and begin the healing process.

“We are at the point and we are going to try to
facilitate a conversation with Latino leaders this
week,” Brown said. “This is a serious community
matter. This needs to be dealt with by various
groups in the community and that’s up to – and
including – members of the clergy.”

Both Brown and Ertll said they planned to talk
Monday to craft a strategy for dealing with the
problem.

If justice does not exist on earth – then let’s hope that justice does exist in the after life.

Salvadoran group dogged in search for children missing years ago in civil war

By Ken Ellingwood, Los Angeles Times

July 13, 2011

For many searching for loved ones, the only hope is a determined Salvadoran organization using detective work, modern tools such as Facebook and plenty of pluck to solve the wartime disappearances.

Enma Orellana, 60, of Guarjila hopes that one day she will find her daughter, who was 4 when seized in 1982 by soldiers during El Salvador’s civil war. She is shown with granddaughter Enma Joceline, 6, who would be her missing daughter’s niece. (Alex Renderos / For The Times)

The girl was 4, dark-toned and skinny. On the day soldiers took her away, she wore a violet dress with short sleeves and tiny pleats. She had no shoes.

That was 29 years ago, when El Salvador waged war with itself and left hurts that have never healed. In the turmoil, more than 800 children disappeared, often into the hands of Salvadoran soldiers who used brutal tactics to battle leftist rebels and sympathizers.

The youngsters, including some whose parents had died, often ended up in orphanages under made-up names. Many were funneled by unscrupulous lawyers into a lucrative international adoption market or kept by the same military officers who took them. At least 400 remain missing.

Two decades after the end of the civil war, many Salvadoran parents — and, often, the children themselves — still search for loved ones, despite dimming memories and a trail that grows fainter each day.

For many, the only hope is a determined organization that uses shoe-leather detective work, modern tools such as Facebook and plenty of pluck to solve the wartime disappearances. It succeeds more often than you would think.

Orellana’s dream to see her daughter again rests with the group, called the Assn. for the Search for Missing Children and known as Pro-Busqueda. Over the years, it has located nearly half of the disappeared, with the largest number in El Salvador and the second-most in the United States. Adoptees have been tracked to Italy, Mexico, Germany and Belgium.

A nephew of Orellana’s was tracked to France a few years ago. He had disappeared during the same army sweep in the northern province of Chalatenango in May 1982 that caught Milagro.

Encouraged by the discovery of the young man years after the war, Orellana, 60, a former schoolteacher, prays and still allows room for happy news about Milagro, whose name means “miracle.” Her memory freezes Milagro in childhood. She has no photos of her daughter, not even a scrap of her clothing. So many years later, unanswered questions keep Orellana tossing at night.

“One suffers so by not knowing,” Orellana said, dabbing her eyes with a pink hand towel. Outside her spare block house in the forested hills of Chalatenango, chickens scratched in the gravel.

In just the last two years, Pro-Busqueda, founded in 1994 by a Jesuit priest, Jon Cortina, and funded mainly by European foundations and aid agencies, has found nearly 30 of the missing “children.” By now, they’re grown up, many with families of their own.

The searches are aided by DNA testing — UC Berkeley‘s Human Rights Center helped create the database for making matches — but still require old–fashioned grunt work.

Investigators hunt leads in dog-eared adoption files and photos from orphanages that operated during the conflict. They tramp onetime conflict zones to trace last known steps and prod residents to recall traumatic, long-ago events. They venture into the most remote corners of the countryside, despite the presence of drug traffickers and dangerous gangs.

“Anyone who wants to think they can solve these from a desk is lost,” said Ester Alvarenga, 46, the group’s feisty coordinator.

On a recent day, Alvarenga met with Orellana in the rural hamlet of Guarjila, about two hours’ drive from the capital, San Salvador. During the visit, Alvarenga hit upon a possible way to reinvigorate the search: finding childhood pictures of one of Milagro’s grandmothers, whom the girl closely resembled.

Orellana, who sells some eggs to survive, takes comfort in the daily embrace a 6-year-old granddaughter, Enma Joceline, whose mother migrated to the United States. If she is still alive, Milagro is the girl’s aunt.

But leads are few.

“I dream that one day before I die, I might see that she has been found,” Orellana said.

Alvarenga’s main investigator, Margarita Zamora, understands the torment of those who have no answers. Her mother and four brothers and sisters have not been heard from since that sweep in 1982 when Milagro also vanished. During that operation, at least 50 children are thought to have disappeared while fleeing army troops.

“I am living the same situation they are: the same uncertainty, the same anguish, the same hope,” said Zamora, a petite former health worker who joined Pro-Busqueda in 2003.

La clínica Romero

• Randy Jurado Ertll |
• 2011-07-08
• | La Opinión

Uno de los papeles fundamentales de las organizaciones sin fines de lucro de nuestra sociedad es ayudar a las personas más carenciadas mediante la prestación de servicios y programas, pero en este proceso, muchas de estas organizaciones desvían su misión de ayudar a los más necesitados y en vez se involucran en actividades polémicas y autodestructivas.

El caso más reciente y polémico ocurrido en Los Ángeles involucra a la Clínica Romero, una organización sin fines de lucro. Esta organización de la comunidad fue fundada a comienzos de la década de 1980 para ayudar a los refugiados centroamericanos a cuidar su salud y recibir atención médica. La Clínica Romero dejó de ser una pequeña organización de base en la comunidad para convertirse en una importante institución multimillonaria, que tiene un presupuesto de más de 10 millones de dólares y actualmente cuenta con tres sucursales. Es la excepción a la regla, ya que la mayoría de las organizaciones sin fines de lucro que ayudan a centroamericanos tienen presupuestos pequeños en comparación con la Clínica Romero.

Esto puede deberse a que la organización creció demasiado rápido para intentar satisfacer las necesidades de la comunidad. También ha dependido mucho del apoyo brindado por el gobierno, que recientemente redujo drásticamente los fondos destinados a las organizaciones sin fines de lucro.

Sin duda, la Clínica Romero ha jugado un papel fundamental al ayudar a miles de personas a tener acceso a la atención médica, pero también es claro que ha sufrido un gran impacto debido a la recesión económica.

Desafortunadamente, ahora oímos acusaciones y rumores de que el actual director ejecutivo y el presidente de la junta directiva participaron en actividades ilícitas, y se han organizado manifestaciones públicas en protesta, exigiendo sus renuncias. Sin embargo, no podemos olvidar que por ahora son solo acusaciones y rumores. Debemos valorar y respetar el lema de “inocente hasta que se demuestre culpable”.

Muchos empleados fueron despedidos recientemente, ya que la recesión económica no ayudó a la Clínica Romero a recaudar suficientes fondos, y dichos despidos han generado mucha irritación. Además, la Clínica Romero es claramente la excepción a la regla, ya que cuenta con un sindicato de trabajadores que representa al personal.

En última instancia, son los pacientes los que más sufren a causa de estos conflictos. Es cierto que es responsabilidad de la junta directiva realizar una gestión a nivel de macroinstitución y ayudar a garantizar que el presupuesto esté saneado. Sin embargo, las operaciones diarias son responsabilidad del director ejecutivo, quien debe contratar personal competente y eficaz para el desarrollo y la recaudación de fondos.

Lo que la Clínica Romero necesita es una estrategia inmediata para poner en orden sus finanzas y trabajar en equipo. El resto de los miembros de la junta, la gerencia y el sindicato de trabajadores deben actuar con racionalidad y concentrarse en recaudar fondos para ayudar a la Clínica Romero a superar este difícil período. Es más fácil hacer acusaciones destructivas que ayudar a recaudar los fondos necesarios para poder continuar ofreciendo estos servicios de salud vitales.

La dinámica de los reproches y de las culpas no generará subsidios federales, estatales ni locales, ni tampoco subsidios por parte de fundaciones. La Clínica Romero es vital para la comunidad salvadoreña/centroamericana, que lleva el nombre del arzobispo Romero, asesinado por una cuadrilla de la muerte en 1980 mientras celebraba una misa. Su deseo era que los pobres fueran tratados con dignidad y respeto.

El arzobispo Romero sentiría mucha desilusión si viera a la Clínica Romero sumergida en esta polémica, en que su personal, que supuestamente son personas progresistas, pelea entre sí y se ataca mutuamente.

Todas las partes involucradas en los asuntos de la Clínica Romero deben hacerse responsables ante los miembros de la comunidad a la que sirven. La junta directiva y el director ejecutivo deben actuar y recolectar los fondos necesarios para ayudar a la Clínica Romero a superar las graves dificultades económicas.

También sería muy constructivo que las personas más indignadas con este asunto ayudaran a recaudar fondos para salvar a la Clínica Romero. No hay tiempo para continuar con luchas internas y actitudes autodestructivas.

La Clínica Romero debe trascender la polémica y las protestas, su papel es servir a los más necesitados mediante la prestación de servicios de atención médica. El arzobispo Romero entregó su vida peleando por los pobres. Ya que esta organización sin fines de lucro eligió llevar el nombre del arzobispo Romero, la Clínica Romero debe proteger su reputación e integridad para continuar sirviendo a los más necesitados.

Randy Jurado Ertll es un autor salvadoreño www.randyjuradoertll.com

THE FALL OF EL SALVADOR – THE DOLLARIZATION

We have heard the same rhetoric before, promises for change.

Was this the case for El Salvador after electing former president Francisco Flores?

That is what former President Francisco Flores promised his country in 2001 when El Salvador adopted the dollar as their national currency. He promised unparalleled economic prosperity and growth for all Salvadorans. That has not been the case at all.

Let us go back to 2001, former president Francisco Flores promised more foreign investment for El Salvador and as a result proceeded with dollarizing El Salvador’s currency. The domestic small business owners can now be assessed as being negatively impacted by this change of currency, and the large domestic business owners, while the large foreign business owners have benefited with this change.

Let us move forward a decade later; El Salvador elected its first leftist President in 2009.  When running for Presidential office, President Mauricio Funes compared himself to Barack Obama and continually repeated that change and hope was coming to El Salvador.  Can the FMLN deliver on the  promise of change by persuading the Salvadoran
National Assembly to eliminate using the dollar as the monetary system, however; this will signify a return to a new start, which will create an economic freeze during the transition period to its former currency, el colon. It is definitely possible to do this. El Salvador’s current government should assess a return to using its former national currency, the colon.  This change should be conducted to help stabilize the economy and help reduce the high crime wave occurring in El Salvador.

The dollarization of the Salvadoran economy has created more poverty, an increase to migration to the United States, and led to an increase in crime and violence in El Salvador.  Study after study has made strong correlation that poverty leads to more frustration and higher rates of violence.

In El Salvador, over 4,365 homicides occurred in 2009. The citizenry of El Salvador, poor and rich, continues to feel under siege due to the criminal activities that occur on a daily basis.  The gang issue continues to be out of control in El Salvador and this results in an increase drug use and violence.

El Salvador is not better off with the “dollarization” system.  It has actually created more poverty, disparities of wealth, leading to an increase in crime and murder.

President Mauricio Funes promised that change was coming.  We hope that President Funes will deliver on his promise by assessing and reinstating the use of the “colon” as the national currency of El Salvador.  The dollarization of the Salvadoran economy has not created economic prosperity.

The people of El Salvador elected a leftist President since they believed in his promises of change and hope.  Let’s hope that he can deliver by returning to the colon and taking a serious stand in decreasing the crime rates and making his people feel safe while they use the public transit system, while shopping at the local markets, or simply walking around their neighborhoods.

The dollarization of the Salvadoran economy has definitely hurt the small domestic business owners and street vendors. This problem should be rectified immediately by returning to the former national currency of El Salvador, el colon.

President Funes must deliver on his promise of hope and change. Returning to the colon would allow the small and large domestic businesses return to produce to the Salvadoran economy which will be a positive achievement for the country.  Bringing back the national businesses to the Salvadoran economy will contribute to independence from foreign investors.  It would create a reduction of crime and violence in El Salvador.